26 November 2025

The Return of Depression Economics and the Crisis of 2008

Recommendation

Nobel Laureate and economic scholar Paul Krugman investigates the forces that drive economic growth and recession. His ability to maintain the essence of a topic while simplifying complex economics with examples and analogies is a hallmark of his work. Despite its gloomy title, this book is not depressing, because Krugman concludes that another Great Depression is not looming. Capitalism has, overall, provided the foundation for prosperity in advanced and developing economies alike. Indeed, the information age has introduced entrepreneurs who have generated wealth while becoming romantic heroes for succeeding in spite of – or without the help of – giant corporations. However, Krugman stays alert for dark forces, warning against panic in the international financial markets, where multiplying negative feedback can overwhelm the effects of monetary policy. BooksInShort recommends Krugman’s in-depth analysis to anyone with an interest in world economics and financial markets.

Take-Aways

  • The crisis of 2008 will probably not develop into a 1930s-style depression.
  • For the first time since WWII, “failures on the demand side of the economy” have become the greatest hazard to prosperity. This is depression economics at work.
  • Excess supply, relative to demand, characterizes an economic slump.
  • Recessions are normally caused by the public trying to accumulate cash and can usually be cured by printing money.
  • Capitalism has redeveloped a romantic hero: the independent entrepreneur.
  • Indecision in a financial crisis is deadly. The Thai government learned this in the mid-’90s.
  • Southeast Asian countries are strongly tied together in the minds of investors. Negative perceptions regarding one country have a negative impact on all countries.
  • Alan Greenspan’s fiscal policies neither created nor prevented recent bubbles.
  • Unregulated “shadow banks” were the main cause of the 2008 credit crisis.
  • To ward off the economic downturn, governments must get credit flowing, and support and boost spending.

Summary

The Need to Want More

The global economy will not enter a depression reminiscent of the 1930s. However, a large part of the world must become sensitive to the forces of “depression economics,” the types of fiscal problems not witnessed since the Great Depression. In fact, for the first time since World War II, low levels of economic demand, including insufficient private spending, have become the greatest hazard to prosperity for many economies.

The Success and Romance of Capitalism

The return of depression economics does not signal the failure of capitalism. In fact, depression economics has returned in the midst of the triumph of capitalism. The former Soviet Union – once the financier of worldwide socialist movements – has lost its ability to support other nations. Russia’s economy is in a miserable state. In addition, Hong Kong’s capitalist system, virtually untouched despite the island’s return to China in 1997, shows the world that the free market is too valuable to destroy, even in the eyes of the People’s Republic.

“Economics inevitably takes place in a political context.”

Not only has capitalism brought economic success and prosperity to many nations, it has developed a new kind of romantic hero. After Henry Ford, giant corporations dominated the economy. They were not run by romantic innovators, but by bureaucrats who might as well have been government officials. However, the information age now has created a renaissance of independent entrepreneurs whose heroic tales are chronicled in business magazines.

The Mechanics of an Economic Slump

Excess supply, relative to demand, characterizes an economic slump. Workers outnumber jobs and production capacity exceeds demand. Purchases of some goods may increase or decrease depending on shifts in preferences or costs, but it is less obvious why the overall demand for all goods might fall. Because the real economy is very complex, a simple analogy provides the best explanation.

“Who can now use the words of socialism with a straight face? I can remember when the idea of revolution, of brave men pushing history forward, had a certain glamour. Now it is a sick joke.”

A babysitting co-op was set up for 150 couples with young children. At the start, the organizers distributed a set number of coupons evenly among the families. When one couple babysat for another, they earned a coupon. After a certain period, members began to sense that there was a shortage of coupons in circulation. As a result, they became anxious to babysit in order to earn more coupons. At the same time, fewer members wanted to spend their coupons. Subsequently, opportunities to earn coupons diminished and the co-op entered a recession.

“For the first time since 1917...the unpleasant aspects of a market system – inequality, unemployment, injustice – are accepted as facts of life.”

The babysitting slump occurred due to a lack of effective demand, not due to poor quality babysitting, a change in babysitting technology or even corruption. The problem had two basic solutions. The first was to require each couple to go out at least twice a month. The second, preferred by economists, was to increase the supply of babysitting coupons. Upping the supply had magical results. Couples were more willing to go out, and the co-op generated more opportunities to babysit and earn more coupons. As a result, the gross babysitting product (the number of children babysat and parent outings) soared and the co-op enjoyed a high standard of living. The lesson: Recessions normally stem from the public trying to accumulate cash and can usually be cured by printing money.

The Asian Miracle

During the third quarter of the 20th century, the developed world saw the countries then known collectively as the Third World as economically backward, poor and hopeless. These countries were trapped in a pattern of exporting low-valued agricultural products and raw materials. Then a combination of globalization factors, such as reduced tariffs, improved telecommunications and less costly air transport, changed everything. Suddenly, a number of industries, particularly in Asia, found that the local availability of cheap labor offered them an adequate competitive advantage for breaking into world markets. This export-led economic growth resulted in very measurable standard-of-living benefits for many people. However, neither foreign aid nor the benign policies of national governments created this sudden increase in Asian economic growth. Instead, it grew from the rather selfish motivations of local entrepreneurs and multinational corporations who profited from the opportunities offered by cheap labor.

The Thai Crisis

The devaluation of the Thai baht on July 2, 1997, the day after Hong Kong returned to Chinese rule, sparked the Thai financial crisis. An increase in Japanese competition as the yen depreciated and a decrease in demand for Thai exports both precipitated the devaluation. Most importantly, devaluation resulted from a significant reduction in access to credit from foreign investors due to the unsurprising failure of some earlier speculative investments.

“Much of the world...is grappling with a financial and economic crisis that bears even more resemblance to the Great Depression than the Asian troubles of the 1990s.”

To some extent, this credit reduction became a self-reinforcing process that reduced the flow of new loans, further reducing confidence. This slowdown resulted in an increased demand for foreign currencies and a decreased demand for the baht. This required the Bank of Thailand to purchase baht to support the currency. Controlling deflation is much more difficult than controlling inflation because the central bank can print local currency to control inflation, but it cannot print foreign currency to control deflation. In addition, many banks, finance companies and Thai businesses were highly exposed to exchange rate slides because they had large debts in dollars.

“What happened to Japan is both a tragedy and an omen.”

Indecision was the Thai government’s most critical mistake. It was unwilling to let the baht depreciate and also unwilling to take harsh domestic measures. Speculators observing this unwillingness could thus predict that the baht would eventually fall. Therefore, during the period of indecisiveness, they borrowed in baht, which required the central bank to buy even more baht to prevent devaluation. This process carried on until the bank’s reserves were essentially depleted and, on July 2, the Thai government let the baht go.

Asian Crisis Contagion

The Thai economic crisis spread quickly and dramatically through the “Asian tiger” countries. This was surprising because, despite their geographic proximity, their economies were quite distinct. South Korea, for example, was a relatively distant economy, geographically. In 1996, its GDP was twice as large as Indonesia’s and three times as large as Thailand’s. So how did this happen? First, the countries had some direct linkages – Malaysia is a market for Thai products and vice versa – and they often sold similar products, such as textiles, to third parties. However, all economic analysis indicates that this was not the major force driving the spread of the crisis.

“The Great Depression was brought to an end by a massive deficit-financed public works program, known as World War II.”

More likely, direct financial linkage was the driving force of contagion. “Emerging market funds” that lumped all of these economies together were a major source of capital flow into the region. This created direct mechanical links among these countries’ finances. The association of Asian economies in the psyches of investors was an even greater force. Investors perceived that these Southeast Asian countries all shared the “Asian miracle”; therefore, negative perceptions about one country had a negative impact on all the related countries.

The Force of Panic

Investor panic is a powerful force that can override otherwise sound macroeconomic policy. Panics are so powerful because they can be self-reinforcing and, as a result, can validate themselves. The negative impact moves in a circular pattern, increasing as it goes. This could result in a devastating feedback loop, though it does not necessarily have to do so. Why doesn’t any shock to an economic system result in a devastating panic? Again, an analogy is useful. A microphone in an auditorium always creates a feedback loop. The microphone picks up sounds from the speakers and sends the signal back to the speakers to be amplified, and so on. However, this is usually a “damped” process and so the feedback loop doesn’t cause a problem. However, if the room has a significant echo and the gain is turned up too high, the sounds from the speakers that return to the microphone exceed some critical threshold, the feedback loop increases the recycled signal’s amplification and the sound system malfunctions.

“Subprime loans were...made by loan originators, who quickly sold [them] to financial institutions, which...sliced and diced pools of mortgages into collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) sold to investors.”

The key is that the feedback mechanism is always present, but it does not have a destructive effect unless the critical threshold, which is unique to the system, is crossed. Identifying the critical feedback threshold in an economy is impossible, but understanding the concept is useful. Panic is only dangerous if the threshold is crossed; otherwise its effects are dampened and unimportant.

“Greenspan’s Bubbles”

Alan Greenspan chaired the Federal Reserve for more than 18 years. During that time, he was hailed as possibly the greatest central banker in history. He presided over an era of relative stability, with low inflation and just two brief periods of recession. However, once his tenure was over, the true consequences of his policies became visible.

“There are probably around 12 million American homeowners with negative equity as this book goes to print.”

One of his most famous speeches warned of “irrational exuberance,” hinting at a bubble in stock prices. However, warning and hinting were all he did. He neither raised interest rates to curb the markets nor imposed margin caps on investors. Although Greenspan’s policies led to “spectacular” job creation during the Clinton years, they also allowed two massive bubbles to form and subsequently pop: the dot-com bubble of the 1990s and the subprime crisis of 2008.

Subprime Loans and Shadow Banking

Rather than stemming from securitization pioneers, such as Fannie Mae, or from deregulation, the subprime crisis developed from the gung-ho risk taking of shadow banks – institutions that function like banks, but that are neither regulated nor properly equipped to cope with crises. They prospered during the George W. Bush administration when regulation was out and “financial innovation” was in vogue. What took place in 2008 runs parallel to the Panic of 1907, which arose from the collapse of institutions operating outside the regulatory system.

“The end of the housing bubble will probably...have wiped out about $8 trillion of wealth. Of that, around $7 trillion will have been losses to homeowners. [The other $1 trillion loss] has triggered the collapse of the shadow banking system.”

The fall of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, the crisis in emerging markets and a plunge in consumer confidence all indicate that the globe is facing the worst recession since the 1980s. However, despite the scale of the crisis, it is not a depression, and probably will not develop into one.

Solutions in Sight

To battle the downturn, policy makers must attack on two fronts: They must get credit flowing again and engage in spending. People have lost their faith in banks. Governments in affected nations must support their financial institutions by investing heavily in recapitalization. So far, the amounts involved have been too small. Current governments must take a leaf from Japan’s book: It rescued its banks with a whopping $2 trillion cash injection. To make sure banks don’t just sit on the extra capital, governments may have to go as far as temporarily nationalizing a large part of the financial system.

“Greenspan acted like a parent who sternly warns teenagers against overdoing it but doesn’t actually stop the party, and stands ready to act as designated driver when the fun is over.”

To jumpstart their economies, governments should increase spending. Rather than providing mere tax breaks, they should invest in “roads, bridges and other forms of infrastructure.” This has two advantages: First, it commits the government to spending the money and, second, it provides something of value.

“Nobody likes the International Monetary Fund; if anyone did, it would be a bad sign...Lenders of last resort are supposed to practice tough love.”

Looking to the future, countries should broaden and intensify their financial regulation. In fact, the rule of thumb should be this: Anything that might need rescuing during a financial crisis must be regulated. Policy makers must also consider how to handle financial globalization – it has turned out to be more risky than first believed, and must be controlled regularly, not just in times of crisis.

About the Author

Paul Krugman received the Nobel Prize in economics in 2008. He is a prolific scholar, and teaches economics and international affairs at Princeton University. Fortune magazine claims that he “writes better than any economist since John Maynard Keynes,” and the The Economist describes him as “probably the most creative economist of his generation.”


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The Return of Depression Economics and the Crisis of 2008

Book The Return of Depression Economics and the Crisis of 2008

W.W. Norton,
First Edition:2008


 



26 November 2025

Fixing Global Finance

Recommendation

Questions about current account deficits and international savings rates send many fiscal analysts into jingoistic declamations. But Martin Wolf isn’t that kind of economic commentator. He’s the sort who realizes that global financial markets are fiendishly complex and, thus, that easy answers are likely to be too easy. In this study, Wolf adds depth and texture to such hot topics as China’s massive savings rate and its huge foreign-currency holdings. This is primarily an economist’s analysis, so Wolf doesn’t address the way financial markets affect everyday consumers and entrepreneurs. BooksInShort recommends his book to observers who seek a learned, lucid, forward-looking perspective on global financial markets.

Take-Aways

  • For all its benefits, the global financial system has proven far too prone to chaos and collapse.
  • Mistakes and misjudgments are inevitable because of the novelty and complexity of financial markets.
  • In this era of big risks, taxpayers often bear catastrophic losses while the private sector reaps lucrative paydays.
  • Financial crises buffeted emerging markets, which have taken steps to avoid collapses.
  • Developing nations have been cautious about current account deficits and borrowing.
  • But the U.S. runs a huge current account deficit and acts as the world’s savings account because it is a secure place to invest.
  • The International Monetary Fund, long dominated by rich nations, must do a better job of addressing the needs of nations that borrow from it.
  • Innovations like an emerging market currency index could help global finance.
  • China has turned into the biggest saver and investor in world history.
  • However, China must spend some of its massive savings at home.

Summary

The Boon and Bane of Global Finance

Financial markets, which are the global economy’s nerve center, offer many advantages: finance new businesses, makes home buying possible and allows insurance markets to exist. While critics love to hate financiers as profit-driven speculators, modern market economies couldn’t exist without finance. Alas, though, finance has proven far from perfect. This nerve center often suffers breakdowns, bringing bubbles, busts and costly crises.

“The age of financial liberalization became the age of crisis, with consequences that still mark the world economy.”

Financial markets are so prone to meltdowns because they are built on “a pyramid of promises.” Bonds promise future payments; stocks promise ownership in a company; insurance promises a payout if a mishap occurs. Even currency now represents little more than a promise from the issuing government. Gold once backed the value of cash, but now governments issue money based on pure fiat. This web of promises has grown to encompass $140 trillion in financial claims worldwide. While promises grease the wheels of the global economy, when those promises are broken, the world’s economic engine sputters, showing the limitations of markets built on trust.

“These disasters have turned global finance into the biggest economic challenge for those who support the integration of the world economy, a process now almost universally known as globalization.”

In actuality, this system of global finance based only on promises has proven remarkably successful and has yielded big rewards, especially to the most fortunate market participants. But it also carries big risks, as demonstrated in crisis after crisis. The World Bank lists 112 banking crises from the late 1970s to 2000, and the world entered another crisis in 2007, sparked by the subprime contagion in the U.S. housing market. The complicated, intertwined financial markets are “accidents waiting to happen – and happen they did, again and again and again.” The reasons that global financial markets are so prone to meltdown include:

  • A lack of understanding¬ – These complex markets are new to regulators, financial institutions and investors, so mistakes and miscalculations are inevitable.
  • A high degree of complexity – Investors, policy makers and regulators must master such arcane concepts as currency risk, off-balance sheet transactions and offshore deals.
  • Rickety structures in emerging markets – Poorer nations have lacked the financial, regulatory and legal systems to handle this new degree of complexity. Some of these nations even lack property rights legislation and bankruptcy courts. As a result, developing markets have suffered more acutely than more sophisticated countries.
  • Governments that bear the risk – Formal and informal government guarantees are the rule; the private sector reaps the rewards, but the public sector absorbs the losses. Think of bank liabilities as “contingent public debt.” In extreme instances, the cost of a crisis can eat huge chunks of a nation’s economic output. A crisis in Indonesia in 1997 required bailouts totaling 55% of the nation’s gross domestic product. The same thing happened in Argentina in the early ’80s. Japan’s meltdown in the ’90s cost 48% of its GDP. Not all crises are so costly. The U.S. savings-and-loan crisis ate “only 3%” of its GDP.
  • Extreme volatility – Financial markets always have ebbed and flowed on the vagaries of fear and greed, but liberalized and globalized financial systems intensify the waves.

Emerging Markets Get Smart

Private capital flows have been a fickle friend to emerging markets. Such foreign investments are primary sources of both financial market funds and of destabilization. Commercial banks, in particular, dangle short-term credit in front of emerging markets, and then yank it away at the first sign of risk. Current account deficits frequently have proven deadly to emerging markets. A current account deficit often results when a nation pays debts with borrowed funds. Such deficits frequently lead to capital outflows and misaligned currency values – a severe threat to an emerging market. When an emerging nation’s currency loses value compared to the currency of its debt, collapse is inevitable. This happened repeatedly from 1994 through 2002, starting with Mexico’s peso devaluation, followed by the Asian contagion and the crises in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey in the early 2000s. In the late ’90s, Indonesia’s currency dove 80% and its GDP fell 15%, even though severe inflation (considered a precursor of collapse) did not precede the crash.

“If global finance does little more than bring catastrophe in its wake, it becomes almost impossible to defend existing, let alone increased, levels of financial integration.”

For developing nations, the cycle is all too familiar: capital flows stop, the current account deficit plummets, the currency craters and credit evaporates. However, emerging nations have grown wise to this trap. Equating current account deficits with wrenching meltdowns, they have begun turning off the spigot of large capital inflows. Now, when they do receive money, they put it into foreign exchange reserves. They’re also giving a cold shoulder to International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailouts that create suffering at home, complete with political fallout. Emerging nations have not solved their financial problems, but they have learned a bit about moderating the ups and downs that can come with entering cutthroat financial markets.

The United States and China: the World’s Borrower and the World’s Saver

The U.S. is now the planet’s largest borrower. As of the mid-2000s, it was responsible for “three-quarters of the current account deficits in the world.” This has lent stability to global markets, but it is risky, as the 2007 subprime crisis proved. Meanwhile, the U.S. has proven to be the rare economy that can sustain a large current account deficit without suffering the usual fallout of soaring interest rates. That’s in large part because it remains an alluring place for other nations to park their savings. The U.K. and many other developed nations also have relatively low saving rates. But the U.S. is the primary destination for the world’s savings, largely because it has successfully encouraged its citizens to consume voraciously. It benefits from a phenomenon sometimes called the “savings glut.” Four factors have created this oversupply of savings:

  1. Savings and investment rates are on the wane as rich nations save and invest less.
  2. Emerging nations and oil exporters are saving and investing more.
  3. Rich nations are now “importers of savings,” since their savings rates are lower than their investment rates.
  4. Emerging nations and oil exporters are also becoming exporters of capital as their savings rates outpace their investment rates.
“If we look at the world as a whole and at many significant countries, we find the notion of a savings glut is not right. It might be better thought of as an investment dearth.”

In 2006, the U.S. had the world’s lowest savings rate, 14% of GDP, mostly in corporate savings. China’s savings rate was 59%. The average Chinese person is not responsible for this outsized savings rate, although Chinese households do save prodigiously. China’s corporations and government save huge chunks of their profits. However, the authorities have declined to put some of the nation’s savings into such programs as aid for laid-off workers or pollution controls.

“The requirements of a sound fiscal policy are so simple in principle yet so difficult in practice.”

Unlike the U.S.’s large current account deficit, China runs a huge surplus; it was $250 billion in 2006. Though it is the biggest saver and investor in world history, its system isn’t perfect. It has huge excess capacity in some materials, such as steel. Pollution is a severe health and environmental problem. Job growth is modest and income inequality is soaring. Meanwhile, however, China has amassed huge foreign-currency reserves. From 1999 to 2007, those reserves shot up by more than $1 trillion, far more than any other nation’s. U.S. and U.K. foreign currency holdings were flat, while EU reserves fell.

“The performance of the financial system has been the Achilles heel of the era of globalization.”

Global markets are adjusting to the reality that the U.S.’s massive trade deficits won’t last forever. For years, the U.S. has gorged at “an apparently ongoing free banquet,” where spending can outpace income and creditors are generous. That is bound to end as the U.S. grows more sensitive to foreign influence over its financial markets. Americans’ willingness to participate in global markets is limited, as shown by political outcries over China’s effort to buy Unocal and the Dubai Ports World initiative to manage some U.S. ports. Richard Cooper of Harvard University raises five trenchant points about the U.S. current accounts:

  1. It’s simplistic and incorrect to say the U.S. saves too little. This ignores Americans’ ability to use financial markets to pull cash from once-illiquid assets, such as homes, and fails to understand “the relevant forms of saving in the contemporary...economy.”
  2. Savings rates are likely to remain large elsewhere, particularly in Germany, Japan and other rich nations with stagnant population growth.
  3. It’s perfectly reasonable for the rest of the world to put 10% or more of its gross savings in the U.S., which has proven to be a safe, rewarding destination.
  4. If the U.S. deficit remains a “nominal” $600 billion a year and the U.S. economy grows 5% a year, “the ratio of net foreign claims on U.S. GDP would peak at 50% in 15 years and the current account deficit would fall to 2.5% of GDP by 2019.”
  5. While the deficit can’t keep expanding, it can remain elevated for a long time.

Goals for Global Finance

Globalization has brought numerous benefits, and its onward march appears inevitable. However, financial markets are the global economy’s weak spot. To smooth the boom-and-bust cycle, policy makers should pursue some new market goals. The global financial system should be:

  • Liberal and market-based, but less likely to suffer spasms of insolvency.
  • Less dependent on the U.S. as “borrower and spender of last resort.”
  • Less punitive toward emerging markets that run current account deficits.
  • Overseen by an IMF and other institutions that support these goals.
“As the financial system grows more complex, it piles promises upon promises.”

While some espouse a return to the gold standard as a path to currency stabilization, that path is unlikely. Even sophisticated economies can fall victim to the inevitable crises, as the mortgage market meltdown shows. However, when the assets and liabilities in question are both in a nation’s currency, it can contain the crisis more effectively. Emerging markets suffered devastating collapses when currency mismatches exacerbated what could have been manageable crises. Proposed strategies for making currencies more stable include:

  • An emerging currency index – This index would create a basket of the currencies of the 20 largest emerging markets. The World Bank would issue debt denominated in the index. This could spur the use of emerging-market currencies.
  • Domestic-currency finance – Former IMF official Anne Krueger suggested requiring G-7 institutions to accept foreign liabilities in the borrower’s currency.
  • Sovereign debt restructuring mechanisms – Institute an international bankruptcy process to allow for the restructuring of sovereign debt.
“The people who benefit from roiling the world currency markets are speculators and, as far as I am concerned, they provide not much useful value.” (former U.S. treasury secretary Paul O’Neill)

World financial markets also would benefit from retooling the IMF. For starters, rich countries govern the IMF though they never borrow from it. The U.S., the EU and Japan control more than half the votes. In the IMF’s skewed world, tiny Belgium has more influence than India. The traditional, cozy way Europeans pick the head of the IMF (as Americans name the head of the World Bank) also saps credibility. To give the IMF true legitimacy, all member nations should participate in choosing its leader. Finally, the organization must realign its priorities. The IMF supports itself by collecting interest on emergency loans. If no emerging-market crisis exists, it doesn’t get paid. As emerging markets grow increasingly suspicious of the IMF, they are less apt to turn to it for help. Leaders of emerging countries would be wise to keep seeing the IMF as an institution that can offer only limited assistance in times of trouble. A few other developments that would smooth chaotic financial markets include:

  • China should spend its excess cash at home – China’s huge current account surplus is a “massively destabilizing” force in world markets. Instead of sending such large wads of cash to the U.S, China should use its money at home.
  • Other countries should hold some of the world’s savings – Now, the world sends its excess savings to the U.S. Other rich, stable countries, like Japan and Germany, should absorb some of that surplus.
  • Emerging markets need to step up their game – Many poor nations have created stability by building up huge foreign currency reserves. This is a start, but not an ultimate solution. These nations must create sound financial systems, lure foreign direct investment and take loans in their domestic currency. Nations unable to take these steps should steer clear of the financial markets.

About the Author

Noted economist Martin Wolf is the chief economics commentator at The Financial Times and professor of economics at the University of Nottingham. He is the author of Why Globalization Works and was named to Foreign Policy and Prospect magazines’ list of Top 100 Public Intellectuals.


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Fixing Global Finance

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26 November 2025

Buffett

Recommendation

Bill Gates, Sam Walton and John D. Rockefeller became immensely wealthy by developing innovative businesses. Warren Buffett became rich by picking stocks better than anyone else. Forbes recently listed him as the world’s richest man, but he lives in the same Omaha house he bought for $31,500 in 1958. He drives his own car, prepares his own taxes, wears inexpensive suits and does not employ servants beyond an “every other week” housekeeper. Buffett is a simple man with simple tastes. He likes hamburgers, Cherry Cokes and peanuts. Financial journalist Roger Lowenstein does a masterful job of reporting on Buffett’s life and explaining his straightforward, common sense investing approach without speculation, fancy charts or complex technical analysis. Buffett focuses on three basics: tolerable risk, a company’s value and its stock price. If the price is well below the true value, he’s interested. Buffett used this easy-to-understand formula to build his fortune. It must work: When the book went to print, Buffett had a net worth of $64 billion. Using fascinating historical detail and colorful anecdotes, Lowenstein explains how Buffett did it. If you want to know, BooksInShort recommends reading this book.

Take-Aways

  • Warren Buffett is the world’s greatest investor. No one else even comes close.
  • Buffett is astute at analyzing the financial value of companies.
  • Three main factors guide his investments: tolerable risk, a company’s basic worth and a market valuation that is significantly lower than that worth.
  • Buffett’s principal investment rule: “Never lose money.”
  • Better than any of his contemporaries, Buffett understands that the market always “catches up” with value.
  • Buffett cares primarily about a business’s long-term value and wants his shareholders to have the same priority.
  • Thus, Buffett normally holds onto investments for years, just as he does his friends.
  • Buffett treats his enterprises’ investors as partners, not as faceless shareholders.
  • This runs counter to most CEOs’ treatment of shareholders as changeable entities, like diners at a restaurant.
  • Anyone can use Buffett’s stock selection strategy. It requires an understanding of business, and careful review of annual reports and similar information.

Summary

An Investor in a Class by Himself

To see how truly superior Warren Buffett is at picking stocks, envision a chart depicting the value of his company, Berkshire Hathaway, compared to the Dow Jones Industrial Average. Over the course of many years, Berkshire’s line on the chart begins to shoot straight up. During the same period, the Dow’s line meanders in a vaguely vertical direction, looking like a weathered hillside silhouette. Of course, the difference is not surprising. Berkshire Hathaway is Buffett’s holding company and primary investment vehicle. And Buffett is the world’s most astute investor.

“In the annals of investing, Warren Buffett stands alone.”

When Buffett invested in Berkshire Hathaway in 1962, its stock was valued at $7.60. By 2007, a single share cost $141,600. No one in history has been better at analyzing stock values and making investment decisions. If you had invested $10,000 in Buffett’s portfolio partnership in 1956 and stayed with it, your money would have grown to $550 million. A good return on investment? There has never been anything like it.

The “Oracle from Omaha”

Warren Edward Buffett was born in Omaha, Nebraska, on August 30, 1930. His father, Howard, sold stock and bonds. His pretty, petite mother, Leila, was a former college girl who joked that she had “majored in marrying.” Buffett was a precocious child who was excellent with numbers and who enjoyed charting stock prices. From his earliest days, he planned to be a millionaire by age 30. His proudest possession as a young boy was a metal coin changer. Very early, Buffett started building his assets. At age six, he sold Cokes door to door. When he was 11, Buffett made his first investment: “three shares of Cities Service preferred...at $38 a share.” His favorite book was One Thousand Ways to Make $1,000.

“I will tell you the secret of getting rich on Wall Street...You try to be greedy when others are fearful and you try to be very fearful when others are greedy.” [ – Warren Buffett]

During high school, Buffett had numerous businesses, including magazine sales and newspaper deliveries (he had five routes). He sold errant golf balls that he paid neighborhood children to find. In 1945, at age 14, he invested his savings in a 40-acre Nebraska farm. After graduation from high school, he briefly attended the University of Pennsylvania, but he transferred back to his home state and later graduated from the University of Nebraska.

Ben Graham

After Nebraska, Buffett attended Columbia University’s Business School. In New York, he studied under investment guru Benjamin Graham. Co-author of Security Analysis, a seminal work, Graham was famous for his idiosyncratic investment philosophy. He did not “watch the tape”; instead, he looked for companies with low stock prices. He invested only in viable businesses with good “earnings, assets, future prospects and so forth.” He focused on “intrinsic value that was independent of...market price.” Graham bought stocks when their prices were lower than the business’s basic value. He trusted that, over time, the market prices would catch up with the value. Graham was an exceedingly cautious investor. His primary goal was not to “make money – it was to avoid losing any.”

“For Warren, who had witnessed the Depression and the war as a child, government was society’s defender, not its enemy.”

Buffett soaked up this sensible philosophy. To him, Graham’s concepts were the Rosetta stone. In 1951, Buffett received his M.S. in economics. After graduation, he worked for Graham in New York City. When Graham retired and moved to Beverly Hills, Buffett returned to Omaha.

Off and Running

By this time, Buffett had married Susan Thompson and they had started a family. Buffett launched his own investment firm, Buffett Associates Ltd., and ran it from his bedroom. He developed an investment pool for his friends and family. He started with $105,000 in capital and, as general partner, put up only $100 of his own cash. At 26, he was confident he would become rich quickly. An avid reader of annual reports, Moody’s analyses and the financial pages, Buffett “was familiar with virtually every stock and bond in existence.”

“Graham was far more than Buffett’s tutor. It was Graham who provided the first reliable map to that wondrous and often forbidding city, the stock market.”

Buffett set a personal goal of beating the Dow “by an average of 10 points a year.” With this in mind, he set exacting terms for his partners. He refused to disclose his investment options. He would provide only an annual summary of his results. Partners could add or withdraw money just one day each year. Otherwise, Buffett invested their capital as he saw fit. He did not charge a management fee, but he got a percentage of the returns he realized for his partners. If he had failed to earn profits for them, he would have made no income.

“The Buffetts started out in a $65-a-month, three-room apartment...so run-down that mice crawled into their shoes at night.”

Buffett achieved a strong 10% return in his first year, a period when the Dow suffered an 8% drop. By his third year, Buffett had doubled his partners’ initial investments. After five years, the partnership’s returns were up 251% (whereas the Dow went up 74.3%). With such stunning results, Buffett had no problem picking up new investment partners. By 1962, the partnership had $7.2 million in investment capital. Buffett did his own research and trusted his own judgment, using Graham’s formula of choosing low-priced stocks of companies with good fundamentals.

“When Buffett gave his kids a loan, they had to sign a loan agreement.”

Soon, Buffett added another partner, Charlie Munger, a brilliant West Coast lawyer with a degree from Harvard Law. After they started doing business, Munger began running his own investment partnership. Buffett found it “spooky” that he and Munger were so similar in philosophy and thought. The two men worked closely together for many years. They co-invested in extensive enterprises, including Buffett’s crown jewel, Berkshire Hathaway.

Berkshire Hathaway

Over the years, Buffett continued to make superbly smart investment decisions. In the process, he made his partners wildly rich. He invested in many companies, including American Express (he loved its brand), GEICO (he liked its plentiful cash) and Disney (he understood the value of its library of classic animated features). Buffett expanded on Graham’s philosophy. Rather than looking at companies as just accumulations of numbers, as Graham did, Buffett looked at them qualitatively in terms of their growth potential. This approach worked. By 1963, Buffett was a millionaire four times over.

“Though skeptical of government bailouts, Buffett definitely did not share the neoconservative faith that marketplace judgments were inherently correct.”

Berkshire Hathaway, a manufacturer of men’s suit liners based in New Bedford, Massachusetts, caught Buffett’s eye. In 1962, its stock sold for $7.60 per share, but it had “$16.50 of working capital.” Buffett quickly invested. By 1963, the Buffett Partnership was Berkshire Hathaway’s largest shareholder. Over time, Buffett bought more Berkshire stock. He became a director of the firm, then chairman of its executive committee. By 1965, he was fully in charge. In 1967, he bought another promising firm, National Indemnity, in Omaha. Buffett loved insurance companies because they sat on huge pools of funds. He could use National Indemnity’s cash to invest in other businesses. By this time, Buffett was plowing Berkshire’s capital into investments in publishing, banking and other fields.

“Buffett’s Salomon investment...puts him in bed with Wall Streeters, whose general greed he has scorned in the past.” [ – financial journalist Carol Loomis, Fortune]

Then, in 1969, at the peak of a bull market, Buffett liquidated his partnership, although he allowed his partners to keep their proportional holdings in two investments, one of which was Berkshire Hathaway. Buffett had become suspicious of the highly speculative nature of the stock market at the time. Plus, he was tired of the “rat race” of portfolio management. Instead, he wanted to focus exclusively on “long-term, controlled companies, such as Berkshire.” Right after Buffett got out of the market, it crashed. Once again, the Oracle of Omaha had timed things perfectly.

A Time for Tap Dancing

During the early 1970s, stocks were remarkably cheap. Buffett, who had invested most of the money he controlled in bonds, began to buy stocks again. Seeing great bargains everywhere, he bought extensively. His initial purchases included California Water Service, General Motors, Omaha National and Scripps-Howard Investment. He was elated about making incredibly valuable purchases at deep discounts. Some mornings, he would wake and “want to tap-dance.”

“From Buffett’s viewpoint, everybody wanted a piece of him, like camera-toting tourists pursuing a colorful native.”

Buffett invested heavily in the Washington Post Co., Interpublic, Coca-Cola, GEICO (for the second time) and Salomon Brothers. In 1991, Buffett temporarily became Salomon’s chairman amid an infamous U.S. Treasury bond scandal that nearly killed the prestigious Wall Street investment firm. Buffett also bought the U.S.’s largest furniture retailer, the Nebraska Furniture Mart, which had annual sales of $100 million. Rose Blumkin, then an 89-year-old dynamo, owned and ran it. “Mrs. B” was still working at the Mart seven days a week when she reached 99.

“Asked once if he could play the piano, Munger replied, ‘I don’t know; I never tried.’ Buffett saw in him a kindred intellect and blistering independence.”

The 1990s were a perfect time for an investor like Buffett, who focused not on macroeconomic trends, or stock ups and downs, but on the fundamental value of businesses. “Now is the time to invest and get rich,” Buffett told Forbes. And so he did. Buffett became a billionaire, then a multibillionaire, then a multi-multibillionaire – and, eventually, the richest man in the world.

Giving Away His Money

Buffett and his wife set up their charitable organization, the Buffett Foundation, in the 1970s. By 2006, in his 70s, Buffett began to plan for his eventual death. He decided to give five-sixths of his fortune to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, which fights diseases in Third-World nations, among many other activities. Why not donate his fortune to his own foundation? Buffett’s generous, humble gesture is typical of his unassuming personality. Bill Gates and Buffett were close friends, but more than anything else, Buffett believes in working inside of his own “circle of competence” – which does not include charitable giving. Buffett is sure the Gates Foundation will do a better job of donating his money to worthwhile causes than he would have.

In a Nutshell: Buffett’s Investment Philosophy

All his life, Buffett eschewed the latest Wall Street fads, investment strategies, complex technical analyses (charting) and assorted voodoo approaches for picking stocks. Buffett’s method is simple (but not easy), straightforward and logical: Search for stocks with inherent long-term value that substantially exceeds their current market prices. Of course, doing this in an informed, effective manner requires a solid understanding of business, as well as a discerning eye. The idea is to see a stock “as a share of a business, rather than as a blip on a screen.”

“If you gave me $100 billion and said take away the soft drink leadership of Coca-Cola in the world, I’d give it back to you and say it can’t be done.” [ – Buffett]

To emulate Buffett, the potential investor must pore over annual reports, trade publications and other background materials to secure the most reliable, revealing information. Buffett loved doing such research, though others may find it tedious. Can the average investor get results with this approach? Absolutely, says Munger, Buffett’s long-term partner and alter ego. “Hundreds of thousands can perform quite well – materially better – than they otherwise might,” said Munger, who calls Buffett’s system “perfectly learnable.” Buffett’s primary investment guidelines include:

  • Ignore analysts’ forecasts – Also, don’t worry about macroeconomic trends. Pay close attention to one bedrock characteristic: “long-term business value.”
  • Don’t buy what you don’t understand – Invest in what you know, that is, your own circle of competence. You cannot correctly valuate a stock you do not understand.
  • Strong management counts – Seek companies where the executives put their shareholders’ interests above their own. This does not include firms where CEOs pay themselves obscene salaries, and take immense benefits and other gilded perks.
  • Study the competition – Learn the field comprehensively. Don’t get mired in analysts’ summaries. Trust what you learn independently, your instincts and your common sense.
  • Select the gold, not the dross – Merrill Lynch could always recommend for or against any stock. Not Buffett. He focuses his research on only a few potential winners.
  • Don’t buy a stock until you are certain you are ready – Then buy as much of it as you can. After his 1985 Cap Cities purchase, Buffett did not buy common stock for three years. But when Coca-Cola’s price became attractive, Buffett quickly purchased a block of its stock equal to about 25% of Berkshire Hathaway’s market value.

About the Author

Financial journalist Roger Lowenstein worked many years for The Wall Street Journal. He wrote the newspaper’s “Heard on the Street” column from 1989 to 1991.


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Buffett

Book Buffett

The Making of an American Capitalist

Random House,
First Edition:1995


 




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